08.03.2006 - Source: US Department of State

According to parliamentary human rights committee and ombudsman there were no political prisoners; high-ranking officials from the previous government considered themselves as political prisoners; Zviadists and Mkhedrioni were reportedly no longer held ("Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2005") [#46124],  [ID 5219]

"There were no reports of political detainees. [...]
The parliamentary human rights committee and ombudsman claimed that there were no official political prisoners in the country; however, many individuals, including several high‑ranking officials from the previous government, considered themselves political prisoners. International and local human rights organizations varied on estimates of how many political prisoners there were, reporting from none to 20.
Members of the former paramilitary group Mkhendrioni and the Zviadists were reportedly no longer being held. The remaining Zviadists were released pursuant to a routine pardoning commission recommendation and presidential approval.
The government permitted international human rights and domestic organizations to visit those claiming to be political prisoners, and some organizations did so during the year."

Document(s): Open document

13.02.2004 - Source: Internationale Gesellschaft für Menschenrechte

No risk of persecution for supporters of former president Gamsakhurdia, but attacks by non-state actors cannot be ruled out (expert opinion, in German) ("Stellungnahme vom 13.2.2004 an VG Schleswig - 14 A 112/01 -") [#20720],  [ID 5220]

Document(s): Open document

22.07.2003 - Source: Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation

Assessment of the situation of Zviadists ("Reisebericht Georgien 18. - 25. Mai 2003") [#14436],  [ID 5221]

"Die Zviadisten wären nach Angaben des Informations – und Dokumentationszentrums für
Menschenrechte (HRIDC), heutzutage in vier Fraktionen aufgesplittert. Nur eine oder zwei
dieser Splittergruppen hätten noch ein offizielles Parteibüro. Laut UNAG seien viele
Zviadisten nach jahrelangen Protesten in die politische Landschaft Georgiens integriert
(Zusammenschluss mit CUG, National Movement, etc). Einige, insbesondere der Kreis um
Manana Gamsakhurdia, hätten sich für eine weitere Radikalisierung entschieden. Zurzeit
führe Manana Gamsachurdia eine ultra-radikale Zviadisten-Gruppe und könne, anders als in
der Vergangenheit, ihren politischen Aktivitäten laut CIPDD ungehindert nachgehen. Auch
wenn die Zviadisten an politischen Einfluss beträchtlich verloren hätten, würden die
Behörden sie immer noch als kriminelle Organisation einstufen.
Zwar überwache die Regierung laut HRIDC noch stets die Aktivitäten der Zviadisten,
grundsätzliche gebe es aber keine politische Verfolgung mehr. Auch die UNAG geht davon
aus, dass die Verbreitung zviadistischen Gedankenguts heute grundsätzlich keine Sanktionen
mehr nach sich ziehe.
Aus der Vergangenheit befänden sich noch etwa 20-25 Zviadisten als politische Häftlinge in
Gefängnissen, darunter der ehemalige Außenminister, aber auch Personen, die keine hohen
Parteiämter bekleideten. Laut Helsinki Citizens Assembly säßen dagegen keine führenden
Parteimitglieder mehr in Haft. Über die genaue Zahl verbliebener politischer Häftlinge könne
man von eigener Seite aus keine Angaben machen. Laut UNAG gebe es mit Ausnahme
einiger Fälle in Adscharien keine politischen Gefangenen mehr.
Zviadisten würden nach Angaben der UNAG nach wie vor Kundgebungen abhalten, wobei
die Polizei meistens nicht eingreife. Wenn dies geschehe, ließen es die Verantwortlichen
regelmäßig dabei bewenden, die TeilnehmerInnen aus dem Stadtzentrum zu entfernen. Zur
Verhängung von Demonstrationsverboten komme es nur selten.
Von Juli/August 2002 bis Februar 2003 hätten zviadistische Gruppierungen nahezu täglich
zu Demonstrationen vor dem Parlamentsgebäude in Tbilisi aufgerufen, bei denen die Polizei
nicht eingeschritten sei. Die letzte dieser Demonstrationen im Februar 2003 sei nach
Angaben von HRIDC von der Polizei allerdings gewaltsam aufgelöst worden; mehrere
Demonstranten seien verhaftet worden, die meisten jedoch innerhalb von 12 Stunden wieder
freigelassen worden. HRIDC berichtet von drei bis vier TeilnehmerInnen, die für die Dauer
eines Monats festgehalten wurden.24
Was die Möglichkeit betreffe, sich Dokumente zu besorgen, die eine Mitgliedschaft bei einer
der zviadistischen Splittergruppen belege, seien diese für eine Summe von 200 bis 500
Dollar problemlos zu erhalten. Dasselbe gelte nach Kenntnis von HRIDC übrigens auch für
Mitgliedsausweise der Zeugen Jehovas."

Document(s): Open document

22.07.2003 - Source: Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation

Risk of persecution for Zviadists upon their return to Georgia ("Reisebericht Georgien 18. - 25. Mai 2003") [#14436],  [ID 5222]

"Hinsichtlich einer Rückkehr ehemaliger Zviadisten könne man nach Aussage des
Gesprächpartners des CIPDD keine Prognose über ein eventuelles Gefährdungsrisiko
anstellen, dies könne immer nur im Einzelfall abgeklärt werden. Es sollte bei dieser Frage
auch nicht vergessen werden, dass einige wenige Mitglieder der Zviadisten heute immer
noch als politische Häftlinge festgehalten würden, andere dagegen in der Regierung säßen.
Was die Verhaftung von Zviadisten in der Vergangenheit angehe, so könne man ebenso
wenig eine klare Vorgehensweise ausmachen. So habe sich das Gefährdungsrisiko politischer
Verfolgung nicht an der Position des einzelnen innerhalb der Parteistruktur fest machen
lassen. Sowohl einfache Parteigänger Gamsachurdias als auch hochrangige Zviadisten seien
aus politisch motivierten Gründen festgenommen worden.
Der bloße Umstand der früheren Mitgliedschaft in einer zviadistischen Organisation löse
nach Ansicht der UNAG in der Regel keine Verfolgung aus. Dies gelte allerdings nicht für
Personen, die aus Gründen der politische Gesinnung bereits früher in Kontakt mit den
Behörden geraten seien. Persönlichen Auseinandersetzungen mit Parteifunktionären oder
eine nachweisbare Verwicklung in den Abchasien-Konflikt komme in diesem Zusammenhang
besondere Bedeutung zu. Frühere Verhaftungen würden ebenfalls auf ein erhöhtes Interesse
der Behörden hindeuten.
Darüber hinaus mache es einen Unterschied, ob die betreffende Person in Tbilisi bzw. einer
anderen großen Stadt oder aber auf dem Land ansässig sei. So könne man davon ausgehen,
24 Laut FBIS Pressesammlung seien die Demonstrationen offiziell verboten worden. Dem politischen
Kommentator Saqvarelidze zufolge seien die Protestveranstaltungen der Zviadisten als „harmlose Brutstätte
für die Destabilisierung“ zu werten, welche die zviadistischen Gruppierungen letztlich nur diskreditiert und die
Hilflosigkeit der Regierung demonstriert habe. Es habe angeblich Hinweise darauf gegeben, dass jeder/m
Teilnehmer/in 5 Lari täglich bezahlt worden seien, wozu die Zviadisten selbst Saqvarelidze zufolge allerdings
nicht in der Lage gewesen wären (FBIS Report(FBIS-SOV-2003-0203: Selection List: Georgian Press 3
February 2003).
dass Personen auf dem Land schneller und einfacher von den Behörden ins Visier genommen
würden und daher ein Verfolgungsrisiko wahrscheinlicher scheine.
Nach Ansicht des HRIDC bestehe für zurückkehrende Zviadisten, deren früheres politisches
Engagement den Behörden bekannt sei, grundsätzlich keine Gefahr. Die Regierung sei
allerdings an einer weiteren Überwachung der Zviadisten interessiert."

Document(s): Open document

02.2003 - Source: Human Rights Center

Demonstration by supporters of ex-President Zviad Gamsakhurdia disbanded ba police; two demonstrators arrested ("Monthly Bulletin 2 (48), February 2003") [#14570],  [ID 5223]

"On February 2, 2003, a demonstration by supporters of ex-President Zviad Gamsakhurdia in front of the Georgian parliament was disbanded by the special group led by Temur Mgebrishvili. According to the newspaper "Akhali Taoba", this raid was approved by the head of leading party Citizens' Union, Vitali Khazaradze. He stated that he was unable to work as the loud noise entered his cabinet offices.

The head of Tbilisi police, Maisuradze, attended the raid as well. According to his statement, no-one is allowed to hold a meeting in front of parliament without the permission of the city municipality. He said that if supporters of the former president wanted to hold a meeting in front of parliament building they should either receive permission from the city municipality or hold it instead in Vake Park or other places where special permission is not necessary.

It should be mentioned as well that two demonstrators had been detained.
[...]
It has already been 19 days since defendant, Tamaz Tsiklauri, has been on a hunger-strike in jail #5. His physical state is now alarming.

Tamaz Tsiklauri was detained by the police on February 1 at a demonstration of supporters of the former president, Zviad Gamsakhurdia. He was charged with resistance to law enforcement bodies and was sentenced to three months pre-detention by Mtatsminda-Krtsanisi District Court, Tbilisi.

As some of the NGOs declare, Tamaz Tsiklauri is "a conscience prisoner" and should be released."

Document(s): Open document
Open document

07.2001 - Source: Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development

CIPDD: A number of ‘Zviadists’, mainly those who have played a prominent role in the armed rebellion of 1992-93 and are accused of especially grave violent crimes are still in jail ("Georgia's Membership in the Council of Europe, Achievements and Failures") [#10549],  [ID 5224]

"The most political controversial issue in this regard is that of the so called ‘Zviadists’ or supporters of the former president Gamsakhurdia who was militarily ousted in 1992. During 1992-93, part of his supporters were involved in armed struggle to reinstate what they considered the only legitimate government and until the end of 1993 part of Megrelia, western Georgia, was under the ‘Zviadist’ control. Many still do not recognize legitimacy of the existing government. As a result of this struggle, hundreds of ‘Zviadists’ found themselves in jail. They consider themselves political prisoners and demand their unconditional release. The second big group of convicts also mentioned among ‘political prisoners’ were members of a paramilitary group Mkhedrioni that took a leading part in ousting Gamsakhurdia in 1992 but than it leaders were accused of masterminding an attempt against Eduard Shevardnadze in August 1995. More than two hundred of them were imprisoned in the
fall of 1995. The issue of ‘Zviadists’, however, is more politically conspicuous as they had a stronger case – they fought for the popularly elected president – and they have much greater following, especially in the region of
Megrelia. Shevardnadze’s government has launched several ‘national reconciliation’ campaigns. Several groups of convicts were pardoned during 1997-99. On April 20, 2000 the president pardoned 65 supporters of President
Zviad Gamsakhurdia and 204 convicts who had defended territorial integrity of the country (the latter formulation mainly implies members of Mkhedrioni who fought in the war in Abkhazia). On this occasion, the president made a speech in Parliament calling the Georgian people for reconciliation and declared his decision to grant pardons to the above convicts. In May 2000, an Interim Commission of National Accord chaired by Vasil Maghlaperidze was set up to further work on the issues of national reconciliation. The Parliament adopted
a Resolution asking the Prosecutor’s Office to reexamine cases of supporters of President Gamsakhurdia connected with the events of 1991-1993 who are still in search and to consider possibility of closing them down. The Prosecutor’s Office asked the Commission to submit the list of specific cases, but disagreements within the Commission, that included some erstwhile ‘Zviadists’, failed to come to a common opinion on this. Later, the Commission submitted its recommendations on pardoning 20 more convicts – supporters of Gamsakhurdia, and
the president pardoned them. There is a number of ‘Zviadists’, mainly those who have played a prominent role in the armed rebellion of 1992-93 and are accused of especially grave violent crimes, which are still in jail. Politically, the response to the president’s initiative in the ‘Zviadist’ community, divided between numerous competing groups, is mixed. Their parliamentary representation, the 21st Century faction, was quite enthusiastic of the reconciliation process and took some credit for it. Most of the Gamsakhurdia’s followers, however, demand full rehabilitation rather than pardon, and unconditional release of all the remaining ‘Zviadists’."

Document(s): cipdd-geo.pdf

07.2001 - Source: Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development

CIPDD: Inefficiency of governance ("Georgia's Membership in the Council of Europe, Achievements and Failures") [#10549],  [ID 5225]

"The new trend during the last year has been the public fight within the president's team of ministers.
Namely, the fight goes on between so-called ‘Zhvania's ministers’, who are considered to be part of his team:
the minister of justice Mikheil Saakashvili, the minister of finance Zurab Noghaideli, the minister of public
revenue and taxation Mikheil Matchavariani, and on the other hand, the minister of internal affairs, Kakha
Targamadze, and the minister of economy, industry and trade, Vano Chkhartishvili. The ministers openly attack
each other in the media, voice accusations in corruption and so on. In order to increase efficiency and team spirit
in the executive, the president proposed constitutional changes that would enable him to create the Cabinet of
Ministers, appoint the prime minister and dissolve parliament under special circumstances. Although some
opposition parties initially approved the idea, later they united in opposition to it and pushed the president to
drop the proposals. The main reason to this seems to be opposition to the person of Zhvania, who is the apparent
candidate for becoming the first prime minister (this position could eventually pave the way for presidency as
well, or so the opposition fears).
As a result, the executive does not seem to be able to implement policy, while the president seems to be
preoccupied by mediating conflicts within his own team. Efficiency of the legislative process has also
considerably declined. While the 1995-99 Parliament has been quite productive in adopting major pieces of
ground-breaking legislation, in a new Parliament a numerically much stronger CUG majority fails to produce
much results due to internal squabbles. The reform process is mainly stalled in both branches of the government."

Document(s): cipdd-geo.pdf

30.05.2001 - Source: Amnesty International

Amnesty International: Scores of Gamsakhurdia's imprisoned supporters pardoned and released ("Annual report 2001") [#1926],  [ID 5226]

"Also in April, parliament adopted a program of national reconciliation aimed at healing divisions dating back to the armed ousting of former President Zviad Gamsakhurdia in 1992. Scores of his imprisoned supporters were subsequently pardoned and released."

Document(s): Open document
01152geo.pdf

25.05.2001 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

IHF: At the end of 2000, some 30 supporters of the former President Gamsakhurdia remained in prison ("Human Rights in the OSCE Region: The Balkans, the Caucasus, Europe, Central Asia and North America") [#2300],  [ID 5227]

"Since 1992, real or presumed supporters of the Government of former President
Zviad Gamsakhurdia have been harassed and sentenced to long prison terms. Others
were detained routinely for periods ranging from a couple of days to two weeks, con-victed on charges of terrorism and high treason, mostly in unfair trials, following the ousting of the former President in 1991. As of the end of 2000, some 30 such persons remained in prison. The Council of Europe Parliamentary
Assembly recommended in 1999 that the Georgian Government “review the cases of persons convicted or detained for their part in the upheavals of 1991-92 within two years after its accession.”6 In early 2000, within the framework of “national reconciliation,” the Parliament reviewed a number of cases of political prisoners who had been involved in the 1991- 92 upheavals.7 In March, a hunger strike was declared by political prisoners Bidzina Gudgabidze, David Bichashvili, Murtaz Dgalagonia and Karlo Djichonaia, demanding a general and unconditional amnesty for political prisoners. As the Government paid no attention at first, numerous political prisoners in other penitentiaries, labour camps and detention facilities joined the hunger strike. As of the end of March, the number totalled more than 50 persons.8 On 30 March, the IHF sent an open letter to President Shevardnadze expressing its appreciation for the release of two political prisoners, Nemo Chanturia and Tamaz Gorelishvili, for medical reasons, as the IHF had requested in 1999. Unfortunately, a third prisoner, Karlo Djichonaia, whose case the IHF had raised at the same time, was not released, although he was blind as a result of ill-treatment in pre-trial detention. The IHF emphasised that a review of all cases is vital to a process of “national reconciliation.” The IHF stated that, after eight years, the wounds inflicted by the past conflict could only heal when all the cases involving the supporters of former President Gamsakhurdia’s Government are resolved in a way consistent with their political rights.9 On 19 April, President Shevardnadze issued an amnesty decree for the release of 279 prisoners, including 65 political prisoners who were members or supporters of the Gamsakhurdia Government, including Gudgabidze, Bichashvili, Dgalagonia and Djichonaia. Dozens of other political prisoners, who were sentenced under Articles 104 and 105 of the Criminal Code (murder), were not covered by thedecree.10
In a June letter to Zurab Jvania, Chairman of the Parliament, the IHF criticised the fact that not all political prisoners’ cases had been reviewed,11 including the approximately 30 remaining cases of the 44 prisoners pardoned by President Shevardnadze on 2 August (out of the 147 names submitted to him for consideration). Elene Tevdoradze, Chairwoman of the Parliamentary Human Rights Committee, said that all Gamsakhurdia supporters eligible for amnesty had already been released. In reaction to that statement, Chairman of the Parliamentary Commission for National Reconciliation Vasil Maglaperidze
noted that if the Parliament were to refuse to consider any further cases, there would be no reason to continue the “reconciliation process.”"

Document(s): Open document
01291georg.pdf

03.2000 - Source:

South Caucasian Human Rights Monitor (Eurasianet): Zviadists complain ("03/2000 - South Caucasian Human Rights Monitor (Eurasianet): Part 3: Human Rights in Georgia") [ID 5228]

"Vaso Memarnishvili, a former policeman, resolved to give up his Georgian citizenship in protest against his dismissal. He was dismissed nine years ago as a Gamsakhurdia’s supporter and has failed to regain his office ever since. The Personnel Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs says his application was not been filled properly: he did not give them his address so they could not answer him; besides, his personal file has been sent to the town of Akhaltsikhe (goodness knows why) and is still there. The ministry promised to sort out the problem.

"Alia" No. 38, March 9-10, p. 5, Nana Vasadze, "Former policemen rejecting Georgian citizenship"

After Leila Tsomaia, one of the leaders of the "Zviadist" movement, was beaten by two unidentified men in Tbilisi on March 30, she was hospitalised in Clinic No 5 with concussion. In her words, "Zviadists" were going to launch a protest action on March 31, Zviad Gamsakhurdia’s birthday, and she was neutralised as one of its organisers. Many leaders of the national movement, including Nodar Natadze, the chairman of the Popular Front, believe that the incident should be blamed on the government.

"Akhali Taoba" No. 89, March 31, p. 8, George Kvitashvili, "Leila Tsomaia assaulted""

Document(s): 03/2000 - South Caucasian Human Rights Monitor (Eurasianet): Part 3: Human Rights in Georgia

03.2000 - Source:

South Caucasian Human Rights Monitor (Eurasianet): Zviadists on hunger strike ("03/2000 - South Caucasian Human Rights Monitor (Eurasianet): Part 3: Human Rights in Georgia") [ID 5229]

"The leaders of 14 opposition parties (Constantine Gamsakhurdia Society, Popular Party-Didgori, Chkondideli Union of Traditionalists, etc.) issued a common statement on 2 March demanding to free all the political prisoners who were not indicted for criminal crimes. The author reminds that when being MPs (in 1995-99), six of the 14 were too cautious to raise the question of political prisoners.

"Dilis Gazeti" No. 46, March 3, Sofiko Tsilosani, "The theme of political prisoners on the agenda"

The All-Georgian Human Rights Association had declared 6 March Political Prisoner’ Day. George Kervalishvili, the president of the Association, launched a press conference that day. In his words, four Zviadists, David Bitchashvili, Murtaz Djalagonia, Kakha Djikonaia and Bidzina Gudjabidze (the first of them has been on hunger strike since last year demanding resignation of the "bloody junta", he says), have been on hunger strike in the central prison hospital since 2 February, demanding to amnesty all political prisoners and cease the persecution of Zviadists. Kervalishvili also told journalists that Shalva Shanidze, a political prisoner (Preventive Detention Ward No.1 in Rustavi), had been long requiring hospitalisation but all his requests were rejected on political grounds. Another political prisoner, Gocha Djokhadze, needs surgery but he lacks money to this end. According to Kervalishvili, the female prisoners who carried out a hunger strike this February were so tortured that one of them nearly committed suicide.

"Akhali Taoba" No. 65, March 7, p. 8, Guliko Baladze, "The first political prisoners were Dokvadze, Gelbakhiani and the guys from the Kvareli Forest"

In an attempt to persuade the imprisoned "Zviadists" into ceasing their hunger-strike, Elizbar Djavelidze MP, former minister for education (in Zviad Gamsakhurdia’s government), visited the central prison hospital but to no effect. The "Zviadists", who have been on hunger strike for more than a month, are determined to go on with their action until the bitter end: "Responsibility for our death will fall on the bloody junta," they say.

"Alia" No. 38, March 9-10, p. 5, Tamara Lomishvili, "Zviadists keep on threatening"

The four imprisoned "Zviadists", who have been on hunger strike in the central prison hospital since February 2 demanding to stop persecuting their comrades and their families and amnesty all political prisoners, are threatening to commit suicide unless their demands are satisfied. They demand a meeting with representatives of the UN, Council of Europe, OSCE, foreign embassies, local and foreign NGOs, as well as the right of entry into penitentiary institutions for journalists and local political and other public organisations.

"Akhali Taoba" No. 71, April 13, p. 7, Daredjan Meparishvili, "The whole world will speak about the action in Georgia"

Twelve imprisoned "Zviadists" – Zviad Dzidziguri, Soso Kuprava, Goderdzi Mtchedlishvili, Ramaz Vanishvili (Avtchala Colony), Dato Bendeliani, Zaza Kiraia, Temur Kvaratskhelia, Zalogi Kvaratskhelia (Rustavi Colony 2), George Korbesashvili, Tamaz Mamadashvili (Ksani Colony), Givi Ioramashvili and Gela Nanadze (Khoni Colony) – joined the hunger strike of the four patients of the central prison hospital on 13 March.

"Akhali Taoba" No. 72, April 14, p. 7, Daredjan Meparishvili, "The "Zviadists" began a mass hunger strike in prisons yesterday"

Two imprisoned "Zviadists", Irakli Dokvadze and Petre Gelbakhiani, declared their solidarity to the hunger strike, which was commenced by the four prisoners of the central prison hospital and then joined by "Zviadists" in other Georgian prisons. The hunger strikers demand a universal amnesty for political prisoners.

"Akhali Taoba" No. 80, March 22, p. 4, Daredjan Meparishvili, "Dokvadze and Gelbakhiani declared solidarity to the hunger strikers"

According to Nana Kakabadze, the chair person of the NGO "Political Prisoners for Human Rights", activists of her organisation were not able to visit the political prisoners who are currently on hunger strike demanding a meeting with NGOs. In her words, deputy justice minister Erik Svanidze told her that a permission to visit the prisoners might only be given by Givi Kvarelashvili, the head of the penitentiary department, but the latter just hid from her.

"Dilis Gazeti" No. 64, March 24, p. 2, Maggie Kikacheishvili, "Givi Kvarelashvili, the invisible man"

Nine former members of the Supreme Council of Georgia (in times of Zviad Gamsakhurdia), who are currently living as emigrants in some western countries (Finland, France, Germany, Holland and Poland), called upon the Georgian government to free all political prisoners. One of them, Viktor Domukhovsky (Warsaw), told journalists that there were about 100 political prisoners in Georgia.

"Akhali Taoba" No. 85, March 27, p. 2, Prime-News agency, "Emigrant "Zviadists" demanding to free political prisoners"

The number of hunger strikers demanding to free political prisoners has reached 42, according to the newspaper: the strike was joined by Gela Khaduri and Djemal Akhalaia in the Ksani colony, Zaur Kobalia, Zaza Danelia and Djemal Okudjava in the Avtchala colony and others. The co-ordination council of pro-Zviadist political parties launched a press conference to declare that mass protest actions would soon be started to show solidarity with political prisoners.

"Akhali Taoba" No. 85, March 27, p. 9, Daredjan Meparishvili, "The action will begin outside the State Chancellery and spread over the whole city"

Levan Urushadze, the chairman of the Georgian office of the Internationale Geselschaft fuer Menschenrects / International Human Rights Society, was prohibited from visiting the hunger strikers in the Avtchala colony. Political prisoners of the colony demand to enforce the law which stipulates that NGOs and mass media may visit penitentiary institutions.

"Akhali Taoba" No. 89, March 31, p. 7"

Document(s): 03/2000 - South Caucasian Human Rights Monitor (Eurasianet): Part 3: Human Rights in Georgia

01.07.1999 - Source:

Amnesty International: Persecution of Zviadists ("01/07/1999 - Amnesty International: Stellungnahme an das Verwaltungsgericht Minden") [ID 5230]

Document(s): 01/07/1999 - Amnesty International: Stellungnahme an das Verwaltungsgericht Minden