02.05.2008 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Article on the political situation and the 21 May 2008 parliamentary election campaign ("Analysis: Georgian Election Campaign Gets Under Way") [ID 23106]

Document(s): Open document

17.04.2008 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Article on the political situation in the run-up to the parliamentary elections on 21 May 2008; according to a fact-finding visit by a team from the Council of Europe, there had been “little or no improvement” in the general political environment since the January polls ("Georgian Opposition Faces Uphill Election Struggle") [ID 23038]

Document(s): Open document

16.04.2008 - Source: Civil Georgia

Report written by monitors of Parliamentary Assembly of Council of Europe (PACE) sees little improvement in political climate ahead of elections in May; use of surveillance cameras at polling stations and election observers' restricted access to footage remains issue of concern ("PACE Monitors on Pre-Election Situation in Georgia") [ID 23037]

Document(s): Open document

03.04.2008 - Source: European Commission

Progress report on the European Neighbourhood Policy (political dialogue and reform, justice, freedom, security, economic and social reform, education and health) ("ENP Progress Report: Georgia [SEC(2008) 393]") [ID 22861]

Document(s): Open document

03.01.2008 - Source: ReliefWeb

Update on political situation and security (October-November 2007) ("FAST Update Georgia No. 5: Trends in conflict and cooperation Oct - Nov 2007") [ID 21919]

Document(s): Open document

02.01.2008 - Source: Civil Georgia

Article on events leading up to the political crisis and early presidential elections ("Timeline: Events Leading up to Early Elections") [ID 21982]

Document(s): Open document

25.12.2007 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Article on the political developments since Saakashvili's seizure of power ("Failure To Communicate Dogs Saakashvili's First Term") [ID 21894]

Document(s): Open document

25.12.2007 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Interview with Lincoln Mitchell, assistant professor of international politics at Columbia University about the political crisis ("Country At The Crossroads") [ID 21895]

Document(s): Open document

19.12.2007 - Source: International Crisis Group

Report on political situation in Georgia: Increasing tensions in political landscape, Russian-Georgian relations, creeping authoritarianism ("Sliding towards Authoritarianism?") [ID 21881]

Document(s): Open document

15.11.2007 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Analysis of president Saakashvili`s policy and the possible reasons for his strong response to the anti government protests ("Misha’s Challenge") [ID 21647]

Document(s): Open document

14.11.2007 - Source: Central Asia-Caucasus Institute

Article on protests in Tbilisi that saw security forces use teargas and rubber bullets to clear streets; an emergency rule following a government-imposed black-out of all private radio and TV broadcasts is said to be lifted soon; early elections will be held in January 2008 ("Georgia faces early elections following political crisis") [ID 21635]

Document(s): Open document

07.11.2007 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Article on the political situation in Georgia after the declaration of the state of emergency ("Georgia: The End Of Rosy Democratic Outlook?") [ID 21553]

Document(s): Open document

02.11.2007 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Tbilisi: Tens of thousands of protesters have turned out for the largest opposition rally since the 2003 Rose Revolution swept pro-Western Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili to power ("Georgia Sees Largest Protest Rally Since Rose Revolution") [ID 21491]

Document(s): Open document

01.11.2007 - Source: ReliefWeb

Update on security and political situation (August - September 2007) ("FAST Update Georgia: Trends in conflict and cooperation Aug-Sep 2007") [ID 21489]

Document(s): Open document

17.10.2007 - Source: Central Asia-Caucasus Institute

Report on domestic affairs (relationship between government and opposition); return of former defence minister Okruashwili; after accusations against President Saakasshwili he was arrested on 27 September 2007 on charges of extortion, money laundering and negligence; pleaded guilty on 9 October 2007 ("Georgia's Okruashvili scandal: Loud bang with uncertain fallout") [ID 21401]

Document(s): Open document

04.10.2007 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Authorities insist that there is no political crisis, and have levelled further criminal charges against former defence minister Okruashvili, who was arrested on 27 September 2007; new coalition calls for release of jailed ex defence minister ("Georgian Opposition Raises the Heat") [ID 21311]

Document(s): Open document

19.09.2007 - Source: Civil Georgia

Tests for applicants for positions of election administration officials lacked transparency, two election watchdog organisations say ("Watchdogs Criticize Election Official Test") [ID 21174]

Document(s): Open document

10.09.2007 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Georgia's decision to double its number of peacekeepers in Iraq has prompted concerns at home about deploying more forces at a time when many contingents are reducing their sizes or withdrawing from Iraq altogether ("As Third-Largest Contingent, Georgia Hopes To Show Its Worth") [ID 21086]

Document(s): Open document

06.09.2007 - Source: Civil Georgia

President Saakashvili on his disaffection with the UN and international organisations; especially his unhappiness with the UN Secretary General's recent report on Abkhazia ("Saakashvili Lashes Out at UN for ‘Amoral Advice’") [ID 21119]

Document(s): Open document

04.09.2007 - Source: Civil Georgia

According to the state minister for conflict resolution issues Spain will send experts in order to define South Ossetia's autonomous status; Georgia has called to its western partners and the EU to participate in the process of defining the status ("State Minister: Spain to Provide Expertise on S.Ossetia Status") [ID 21118]

Document(s): Open document

11.07.2007 - Source: Civil Georgia

Opposition lawmakers say parliament ignores report pointing out human rights violations in country ("Ombudsman’s Report ‘Ignored’") [ID 20634]

Document(s): Open document

06.2007 - Source: Freedom House

Report on democratisation (electoral process, civil society, independent media, governance) and rule of law (corruption) ("Nations in Transit 2007") [ID 20545]

Document(s): Open document

16.10.2006 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Significant military buildup and increasing level of militant rhetoric poses serious threat to stability in South Caucasus ("Military Buildup in South Caucasus Adds to Tensions") [ID 17928]

"Against the backdrop of the recent crisis between Georgia and Russia, a deeper trend has emerged in the South Caucasus, which is contributing to an even deeper degree of insecurity. Defined by a significant military buildup and an increasingly worrisome level of militant rhetoric, it is this trend that poses the most serious threat to stability in the region and may even spark a sudden resumption of hostilities.Although the motives and modalities of this military buildup differ among Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia, there are two main underlying elements common to each of these three states. First, the share of defense-related expenditures has steadily increased in recent years, with each country devoting an ever-larger share of their limited revenues and resources to defense spending. [...] The second shared trait in this trend is the escalation of militant rhetoric and the increasingly common language of threats and bellicose posturing. In Georgia, for example, the increased defense spending has traditionally been linked to the country's strategic priority of closer integration into Western security institutions, reflected by the recent deepening of ties with the NATO alliance in a new "Intensified Dialogue." But recent developments in Georgia have only compounded concerns over a newly assertive and increasingly confrontational Georgian policy toward the unresolved conflicts with Abkhazia and South Ossetia.Similarly, there is a worry that Tbilisi may become dangerously overconfident because of its recent reestablishment of central control over a key part of the Kodori Gorge and due to its newly enhanced position closer to NATO. And in light of the crisis with Russia over the past several weeks, there is concern that Georgia may be tempted to use U.S. military training and equipment to "solve" the Abkhaz and South Ossetian questions by force."

Document(s): Open document

25.07.2006 - Source: ReliefWeb

Relations between Georgian and Russian governments rapidly decreasing; tensions growing over breakaway region of South Ossetia and Georgian-administered Kodori Gorge within separatist conflict zone of Abkhazia ("Rebel leader, military exercises stoke Georgia-Russia discord") [ID 15715]

"Relations between Tbilisi and Moscow are rapidly souring in the face of growing tensions over the breakaway region of South Ossetia and, now, a Georgian-administered gorge within the separatist conflict zone of Abkhazia. In recent days, the Georgian government has depicted recent Russian military exercises in the North Caucasus as an attempt to exert psychological pressure on Georgia over South Ossetia, and has charged that Russia stands behind a rebel militia leader in the Kodori Gorge who has defied demands from Tbilisi to disarm. [...]

On July 22, at the height of tensions between Georgia and Russia over South Ossetia, the former presidential representative to the Kodori Gorge, Emzari Kvitsiani, declared that he was "fed up" with insults from the central government, and threatened to attack Georgian troops if the government sends soldiers to disband his militia, a group, known as Monadire or "Hunter," which formerly operated under the auspices of the Ministry of Defense. The Georgian government has reacted strongly to Kvitsiani, and has pointedly accused Moscow of arming the militia to incite rebellion in the gorge. According to Parliament Speaker Nino Burjanadze, Kvitsiani has met with members of the de facto leadership in Abkhazia as well as the commander of the Russian peacekeeping troops in Abkhazia. President Mikheil Saakashvili has ruled out any negotiations with the rebel leader or his band, remarking in a televised statement on July 24 that the only negotiations would be "what cell they want in Tbilisi prison number 5."  In an interview with television station Rustavi-2 that same day, Giorgi Targamadze, chairman of the parliamentary committee on defense and national security, went on to cast Kvitsiani as a traitor controlled by Moscow. [...] Meanwhile, both Moscow and the separatist Abkhaz leadership in Sokhumi have said that they are watching the situation closely. The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated on July 25 that a Georgian military convoy containing "30 Kamaz-type trucks, 18 Niva off-road cars and 4 UAZ-type vehicles" and headed by Georgian Defense Minister Irakli Okruashvili and Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili had moved through a Russian peacekeepers' observation post en route to the gorge "despite the attempts of the peacekeepers to obstruct the illegal actions of the Georgian side." [...]

Abkhazia's separatist leadership has stated that it will interpret the presence of Georgian troops in the gorge as a violation of its 1994 cease-fire agreement with Georgia. Meanwhile, as attentions focus on Abkhazia and the Kodori Gorge, a reported 6,000 Russian soldiers with tanks and other military equipment located to the north of the Georgian border for training exercises are also adding to tensions. In comments widely published in the Georgian media, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov stated that the Caucasus Border exercises were "trainings" for possible deployment into South Ossetia. According to these reports, Ivanov assigned Georgia as the military's "enemy" during the drills. [...]

Tbilisi has also repeated its official position that it will not engage in another armed conflict in South Ossetia or Abkhazia.. According to Tamara Pataria, a program director at the Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development, recent events have only intensified the need for the international community to act as a buffer between Tbilisi and Moscow. [...] Tensions soared between South Ossetia's separatist leadership and Tbilisi on July 9 when the head of the region's de facto security council, Oleg Albarov, was killed by a car bomb. Another bombing, on July 14, killed two civilians. Officials in the South Ossetian capital, Tskhinvali, have repeatedly blamed Georgia for the incidents, and the Russian Federal Security Service has accused the Georgian government of attempting to "destabilize" the region before starting an armed attack.

The Georgian government has denied any involvement, and has described Moscow's July 8 closure of its Zemo Larsi border crossing with Georgia in favor of the Roki Tunnel in breakaway South Ossetia as an attempt to redraw international borders. [...] The Georgian government has presented parliament's July 18 resolution calling for the removal of Russian peacekeepers from Abkhazia and South Ossetia as a firm step in that direction. The government has also stepped up its campaign for support from international allies. [...] On July 24, Foreign Minister Gela Bezhuashvili underlined the role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in regulating the South Ossetian conflict during a joint news conference in Tbilisi with Ambassador Bertrand de Crombrugghe, head of the Belgian mission to the OSCE. A thirteen-member delegation from the OSCE is visiting the conflict zone from July 25-26. In remarks to reporters, Ambassador de Crombrugghe called for all parties to continue the dialogue process, but stressed that South Ossetia's future is with Georgia. "You can have self-determination without having independence," he said. [...]

However, some Georgian analysts worry that President Saakashvili's government is nonetheless reacting too quickly to Russia's statements on and perceived game plan in South Ossetia. [...]"

Document(s): Open document

14.05.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

Government Commission is to mull possible consequences of Georgia’s withdrawal from Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) ("Government Mulls CIS Withdrawal Tactic") [ID 15434]

Document(s): Open document

28.04.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

Boycott of parliamentary sessions by 39 oppositional lawmakers remains fruitless; opposition MPs had launched protest on 31 March after parliamentary majority had stripped Valery Gelashvili of the Republican Party of his MP credentials ("Opposition Adheres to Boycott Despite Lack of Results") [ID 15358]

Document(s): Dokument

13.04.2006 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Opposition parties appealed to Constitutional Court over expulsion of one of their representatives from parlament; it is believed that his expulsion is part of alleged government plans to muzzle opposition ("Georgian Opposition Parties Appeal Lawmaker's Expulsion") [#49290], [ID 4515]

Document(s): Open document

11.04.2006 - Source: EurasiaNet

Opposition parties boycott parliament demanding resignation of Interior Minister, investigation of alleged covert special forces, reorganization of the ministry, and direct elections for mayors ("Georgian Opposition Boycotts Parliament") [#48893], [ID 4642]

Document(s): Open document

27.03.2006 - Source: EurasiaNet

According to Saakashvili, attempted mass breakout from a prison and sabotage on a power line had political motivation and are part of a conspiracy to destabilize the country; opposition leaders called the breakout attempt a byproduct of government mismanagement ("Attempted Prison Breakout in Georgia has Political Motivation - Officials") [#47782], [ID 4643]

Document(s): Open document

18.03.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

Ex-president Eduard Shevardnadze believes late prime minister Zurab Zhvania to be murdered, against official government account ("Shevardnadze Says Georgia’s Late PM Zhvania was Murdered") [#47371], [ID 4644]

Document(s): Open document

16.03.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

Interview with analyst Ghia Nodia of the Caucasian Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development on recent political devlopments (government policies, the murder of Girgvliani, developments in Akhalkalaki, civil society and opposition work) ("Analyst Comments on Recent Political Developments") [#47364], [ID 4531]

Document(s): Open document

01.03.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

Opposition accuses Interior Minister of protecting those high-ranking officials from Interior Ministry who could have links to murder case of Sandro Girgvliani, head of United Georgian Bank’s international relations department ("Opposition Calls for Campaign to Sack Interior Minister") [#45293], [ID 4645]

Document(s): Open document

16.02.2006 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

A year after the mysterious deaths of prime minister Zurab Zhvania and deputy Kvemo Kartli province governor Raul Usupov, government investigations are still not finished ("Questions Linger About Zhvania Death") [#44482], [ID 4646]

Document(s): Open document

25.01.2006 - Source: Civil Georgia

Government decided not to withdraw from the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) ("Georgia will not Pull Out from CIS") [#43159], [ID 4551]

Document(s): Open document

05.01.2006 - Source: Council of Europe - Parliamentary Assembly

Dominant position of President is still rather strong; Democratic Front set up as opposition faction failed to win any seats in by-elections; in October President asked Parliament to develop National Concensus with country priorities accepted by all political forces ("Implementation of Resolution 1415 (2005) on the honouring of obligations and commitments by Georgia [Doc. 10779]") [#41527], [ID 4647]

"50. In Resolution 1415 (2005) the Assembly qualified the political set-up in Georgia as a "semi-presidential system with very strong powers of the president; a weak parliamentary opposition; a weaker civil society; a judicial system which is not yet sufficiently independent and functioning; underdeveloped or non-existent local democracy; a self-censored media and an inadequate model of autonomy in Adjaria". It insisted that the strong government currently in place should be backed by a system of checks and balances.
51. One year later these conclusions are still fully valid.
[...]
10. The dominant position of the President and his allies is still rather strong, although some centrifuge forces have inevitably started being felt. A new 17-member opposition parliamentary faction – the Democratic Front – was set up in October 2005 by a splinter group from the ruling coalition. The parliamentary and extra-parliamentary opposition have also started consolidating: four opposition parties – the New Rights, the Conservative Party, the Labour Party and the Freedom Party – held primaries and presented common candidates in the October by-elections. They nevertheless failed to win any seats; they explain this fact by stating that the government had used massive administrative resources from the state budget for the electoral campaign.
11. In October 2005, Foreign Minister Salome Zurabishvili, who had been seconded by the French government at the request of President Saakashvili, was dismissed. The Parliament disagreed with her management style and accused her of keeping it in the dark about her activities. Mrs Zurabishvili qualified her dismissal as "the old system's agony" and has recently set up a new political party. […]
12. Also in October, the President asked the Parliament to develop a concept on National Consensus, which would outline the major priorities for the development of the country that could be universally accepted by all political forces. During the monitoring visit in November, the two parliamentary opposition factions stated that there were indeed areas in which consensus could be achieved, provided there was dialogue."

Document(s): Open document

21.11.2005 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Few improvements after revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine; one year after, social and economic grievances remained ("East: Ukrainians, Georgians See Few Social, Economic Improvements After Revolutions") [#39527], [ID 4648]

Document(s): Open document

24.10.2005 - Source: EurasiaNet

Interview with dismissed foreign minister Salome Zourabichvili on reasons of her dismissal ("Former Georgian Foreign Minister: "I Became an Obstacle"") [#39299], [ID 4649]

Document(s): Open document

08.09.2005 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Analysis of likeliness of an orderly and lawful transfer of power after next elections ("Georgia: Heading For A New Revolution?") [#36384], [ID 4650]

Document(s): Open document

08.2005 - Source: Freedom House

Constitutional amedments in February 2004 strengthened the power of the executive relative to parliament and judiciary ("Freedom in the World 2005") [#41311], [ID 4657]

"In February, parliament passed a number of constitutional amendments that strengthened the power of the executive relative to the parliament and judiciary. The amendments also gave the president power to dismiss parliament if it fails to approve the state budget, or the appointment of the prime minister or other ministers or in times of crisis. The constitutional amendments themselves and the fashion in which they were adopted were problematic, according to local watchdog groups and international observers. For example, authorities ignored the constitutional provision for a one-month debate period prior to adoption."

Document(s): Open document

29.06.2005 - Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

Process to staff Central Election Commission and its lower-level equivalents with people loyal to ruling elite and the national legislature's initial backing of an amendment to empower the Tbilisi municipal council to elect the city mayor raise concerns about the country's dedication to democracy ("Is The Country Becoming Progressively Less Democratic?") [#33339], [ID 4651]

Document(s): Open document

28.06.2005 - Source: ReliefWeb

Report on Georgia’s commitment under the Individual Partnership Action Plan (IPAP) with NATO between 2004 and 2006 (political and security-related issues; defence, security and military issues; public information, science, environment and civil emergency ("Georgia’s commitment under the Individual Partnership Action Plan (IPAP) with NATO – 2004-2006") [ID 15468]

Document(s): Open document

15.06.2005 - Source: Freedom House

Government occasionally interacts with civil society, but political participation is concentrated within a small elite; there are insufficient governmental checks and balances ("Nations in Transit 2005") [#32929], [ID 4652]

"National Democratic Governance. The Georgian political system is based on popular sovereignty, and the Constitution provides for all basic political freedoms. February 2004 changes to the Constitution skewed the balance of power in favor of the presidency and weakened the Parliament. The Rose Revolution demonstrated strong popular support for democratic institutions. The government occasionally interacts with civil society, but the level of political participation—save for elections or public protests—is concentrated within a small elite. About 15 percent of Georgian territory is controlled by the secessionist regimes of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which are backed by Russia. In 2004, the local autocratic regime in the Autonomous Republic of Achara was overthrown in a peaceful revolution and the region was integrated into the Georgian public space. The effectiveness of the executive government increased, especially in attracting public revenue, and civilian leaders were appointed for the first time to lead the Ministries of Defense and Internal Affairs. As Georgia is a hybrid system with considerable democratic freedoms but still lacking fully consolidated state institutions, as there are insufficient governmental checks and balances, and as the government’s authority does not extend over the entire territory, the rating for national democratic governance is at 5.50."

Document(s): Open document

15.06.2005 - Source: Freedom House

Governance is not effectively decentralized; real power is concentrated in central administration ("Nations in Transit 2005") [#32929], [ID 4653]

For details please refer to the original document

"Local Democratic Governance. Democratic institutions are least developed at the local level in Georgia. The Constitution does not define the territorial arrangement of the country or the competences of subnational institutions of state power. There are three levels of subnational government—regional, district, and local—with elected representatives at only the district and local levels. Local elections are usually competitive, with the opposition able to win, but elected mayors and councils do not have resources to play a decisive role in managing local affairs. Real power is concentrated in the centrally appointed administrators and local branches of central agencies. Legislation adopted in 2004 regarding the Autonomous Republic of Acharan left very little power to the regional council. In November 2004, Georgia’s Parliament ratified the European Charter of Local Self-Government, but no further steps were made to decentralize governance. Since the existence of freely elected local authorities creates some ground for local democracy but governance is not effectively decentralized, the rating is at 6.00."

Document(s): Open document

19.05.2005 - Source: International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights

According to PACE Georgia is today characterized by an extremely strong government, a weak civil society, a judicial system which was not yet sufficiently independent and functioning, underdeveloped or non-existing local democracy and had virtually no parliamentary opposition ("Human Rights in the OSCE Region: Europe, Central Asia and North America, Report 2005 (Events of 2004)") [#32106], [ID 4655]

"One year after the Rose Revolution, the country led by President Saakashvili could be characterized as having an extremely strong central government and sweeping presidential powers – however, with no functioning system of checks and balances. It had virtually no parliamentary opposition, a weak civil society, a judicial system which was not yet sufficiently independent and functioning, underdeveloped or non-existing local democracy, a self-censored media, and an inadequate model of autonomy in Adjaria, as stated by the Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States (Monitoring Committee) of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) in December 2004."

Document(s): Open document

15.05.2005 - Source: UK Home Office

Despite Georgia`s approach to democratic standards, its political life was still not fully normalised after presidential elections in March 2004, according to OSCE ("Georgia bulletin 5/2005") [#37885], [ID 4654]

"Fresh Parliamentary elections were held on 28 March 2004. President Saakashvili's party and coalition partners won again, giving him and his party a strong mandate to bring about reform. The OSCE said, 'The Georgian authorities have seized the opportunity, since the 4 January 2004 presidential election, to further bring Georgia's election process in closer alignment with European standards for democratic elections, including OSCE commitments and Council of Europe standards. However, in the wake of the events of November 2003, the political life of Georgia, as reflected in the election process, is not yet fully normalised.'"

Document(s): Open document

14.03.2005 - Source: Council of Europe - Secretary General

Number of members of Parliament reduced from 235 to 150 after constitutional amendment adopted in late February 2005 ("Compliance with commitments and obligations: the situation in Georgia [SG/Inf (2005) 6]") [#31811], [ID 4656]

"In late February 2005, the Parliament of Georgia adopted a constitutional amendment providing for the reduction of the number of members of Parliament from 235 to 150. The initiative to downsize the Parliament was approved by the majority of Georgian citizens at the November 2003 referendum. According to the amendment, 100 parliamentarians will be elected on the basis of a proportional system and the remaining 50 in single mandate constituencies. Changes to the Electoral Code on delimitation of electoral districts are being discussed in parallel. The amendments will apply to the next parliamentary election scheduled for 2008."

Document(s): Open document

24.01.2005 - Source: Council of Europe - Parliamentary Assembly

Council of Europe notes reforms should be accelerated; deficiencies are seen in system of checks and balances, independence of judiciary and media plurality; constitutional changes granting President right to nominate candidates for judges raise concern ("Resolution 1415 (2005); Honouring of obligations and commitments by Georgia") [#36728], [ID 4658]

"1. A year after coming into power, the new Georgian authorities continue to demonstrate an unyielding resolve to carry out far-reaching political, legal, social and economic reforms. They continue to enjoy the broad support of the general public and the international community. The authorities’ achievements so far, in particular the peaceful reintegration of Adjaria, are positive developments, but the authorities should maintain, and even accelerate, the pace of reforms in accordance with Council of Europe standards and principles.

[...]

6. The extent of corruption and lawlessness in Georgia under the previous government resulted in the extraordinary character of the transition – the Rose Revolution. A year later, it is time to normalise the situation and bring the political process firmly back to the country’s institutions. The post-revolutionary situation should not become an alibi for hasty decisions and neglect for democratic and human rights standards. The priority is to build solid and lasting foundations for a stable, prosperous and democratic Georgia for the generations to come.

7. The Rose Revolution and the two subsequent elections, viewed on the whole as free and fair by the international observers, resulted in a very strong government, which may be an asset in dealing with the country’s political, economic and security problems, provided that a strong government is accompanied by an effective system of checks and balances. This is not yet the case. Today, Georgia has a semi-presidential system with very strong powers of the president; a weak parliamentary opposition; a weaker civil society; a judicial system which is not yet sufficiently independent and functioning; underdeveloped or non-existent local democracy; a self-censored media and an inadequate model of autonomy in Adjaria.

[...]

vi. with regard to the functioning of the judiciary and the police:
[...] The Assembly is particularly concerned that some of the proposed changes, in particular the exclusive right of the President to nominate candidates for judges combined with the provision that all sitting judges will be dismissed upon entry into force of the new rules, but also the possibility that judges may serve two consecutive instead of one single mandate, may have a negative effect on the independence of these crucially important judicial institutions;"

Document(s): Open document
Open document

12.2004 - Source: Human Rights Center

Constitutional changes bring about increase in presidential powers at the expense of legislative and judial branches; concerns by Human Rights defenders ("One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: Human Rights in Georgia after the “Rose Revolution”") [#27594], [ID 4659]

"The recent legislative and constitutional changes, which have challenged a republican-style balance of power, are of particular concern. These measures include constitutional changes that allegedly enhance executive authority at the expense of the legislative and judicial branches of government. The changes made by the Parliament, on February 6, 2004, strengthened presidential powers by allowing the president to dissolve parliament. Another amendment empowers the president to appoint and dismiss judges, thereby increasing the president's influence over a judiciary that already suffers from a lack of independence. Moreover the government rushed through those constitutional changes without publishing the draft amendments for public discussion as required by the Constitution.
Those concerns about the legislative changes are expressed in reports by the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Amnesty International as well as the Council of Europe (Venice Commission, Parliamentary Assembly, Directorate of Strategic Planning)"

Document(s): Open document

13.02.2004 - Source: Institute for War and Peace Reporting

The Georgian parliament passed a package of constitutional amendments which give the country a cabinet and a prime minister for the first time, and which passes power from the legislative to the executive ("Georgia: Constitution Changes Cause Uproar") [#19322], [ID 4660]

Document(s): Open document

21.01.2003 - Source: EurasiaNet

Report focused on opposition activity in the country ("Georgia`s mounting opposition") [#10573], [ID 4661]

Document(s): Open document

06.2002 - Source: British Helsinki Human Rights Group

BHHRG: The Tbilisi City Council (Sakrebulo) ("Report: Georgia 2002") [#8566], [ID 4665]

"The importance of Georgia’s 2002 local elections primarily centred around the opportunity to take control of the Tbilisi City Council (Sakrebulo). The Sakbrebulo consists of 49 seats, including that of the chairman. According to most observers of the election with whom BHHRG spoke both before and after polling day, Mr. Saakashvili had planned for his National Movement to win a large enough share of seats together with “Zhvania’s Team” to take over the chairmanship of the Sakrebulo. Mr. Saakashvili would then have left his seat in the national parliament in order to use the Sakrebulo chairmanship as the platform for his presidential bid in 2004, while Mr. Zhvania would retain his seat in parliament. The Sakrebulo chairmanship would also have put Mr. Saakashvili in a better position from which to agitate in favour of his National Movement for the parliamentary elections next year.

At first glance, the Sakrebulo may seem a step down from the national parliament, but it is believed that at present Tbilisi represents as much as half the population of the entire republic - perhaps more. This is a result of two functions: (1) the influx of Georgians to the capital from the destitute smaller cities, towns and villages over the last several years; and (2) mass emigration from Georgia altogether. Furthermore, although Tbilisi’s economic situation is critical, it is less depressed than anywhere else in Georgia apart from the Autonomous Republic of Ajaria, whose standard of living has remained relatively high. Hence, Tbilisi serves as the economic “heart” of Georgia. Therefore, although the only thing visiting oil company executives can see from the new Marriott hotel on Rustaveli Street is the filthy boulevard outside, the Marriott’s presence alone testifies to the fact that foreign “investment” offers significant opportunities to whomever is in charge of the budget and privatisation schemes in the capital."

Document(s): Internal affairs
Polling day Conclusion Open document

04.03.2002 - Source: US Department of State

US State Department: Overview ("Annual report 2001") [#5795], [ID 4666]

"The 1995 Constitution provides for an executive branch that reports to the President and a legislature. The President appoints ministers with the consent of Parliament. In April 2000, Eduard Shevardnadze was reelected to a second 5-year term as President in an election marred by numerous serious irregularities. International observers strongly criticized the election, citing interference by state authorities in the electoral process, deficient election legislation, insufficient representative election administration, and unreliable voter registers. The country's second parliamentary elections under the 1995 Constitution were held in 1999 and were characterized by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) as a step toward Georgia's compliance with OSCE commitments. The civil war and separatist wars that followed the 1992 coup ended central government authority in Abkhazia and Ossetia, and weakened central authority in the autonomous region of Ajara and elsewhere in the country. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary is subject to executive pressure."

Document(s): Open document

07.2001 - Source: Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development

Georgia lacks any strong parties with more or less clear-cut ideological principles ("Georgia's Membership in the Council of Europe, Achievements and Failures") [#10549], [ID 4667]

"Georgia lacks any strong parties with more or less clear-cut ideological principles. The main electoral entities – CUG and Revival – were consolidated around personalities of Shevardnadze and Abashidze respectively. CUG does not clearly position itself on the traditional right-left spectrum, it includes liberalminded pro-Western reformers such as speaker of Parliament Zurab Zhvania or the minister of justice, Mikheil Saakashvili, but also many members of former communist nomenclatura without definite political views. The Revival coalition includes a leftist Socialist party by also center-right Traditionalists and nationalistic 21st Century, as well as Abashidze's personal party, the Union of Revival. Industry Will Save Georgia mainly lobbies for the reduction of taxes and policies of economic protectionism. The New Rights is mainly engaged in criticizing Zurab Zhvania and ministers representing his team."

Document(s): cipdd-geo.pdf