12.2007 - Source: UN High Commissioner for Refugees

Recent political developments: 3 independent political parties have merged with Hezbe Jamiat-e-Islami ("UNHCR's Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing the International Protection Needs of Afghan Asylum-Seekers") [ID 22118]

"There have been some recent developments on the political scene with regard to influential political party structures. For example, subsequent to the appointment of Mr. Zarar Ahmad Muqbel, a prominent member of Hezbe Jamiat-e-Islami Afghanistan, as the Minister of Interior, three independently registered political parties have merged with Hezbe Jamiat-e-Islami, namely (1) the Nuhzate Meli Afghanistan, led by Ahmad Wali Masoud; (2) the Hezbe Itedal Meli Islami Afghanistan, led by Qara Big Aizid Yar; and (3) the Hezbe Afghanistan Naween, led by Mohammad Yunus Qanoni."

Document(s): Open document

12.2007 - Source: UN High Commissioner for Refugees

Outline of parliamentary groups in the Wolesi Jirga ("UNHCR's Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing the International Protection Needs of Afghan Asylum-Seekers") [ID 22119]

"a) Estiqlal-e-Milli – National Independence Group

The first parliamentary group established in the Lower House was the Estiqlal-e-Milli (National Independence Group), under the leadership of Sayed Mustafa Kazemi, former Minister of Commerce in the Interim and Transitional Governments and Member of Parliament (MP) from Kabul, and Spokesman of the recently established United National Front . The Spokeswoman of this Group is Noorzia Atmar, MP from Nangarhar. Twenty-three MPs are members of this group.

b) Nezarat-e-Milli – National Monitoring Group

The second parliamentary group established was the Nezarat-e-Milli (National Monitoring Group), led by Mohammad Asim, an engineer and former member of Hezb-e-Islami, currently member of the newly established United National Front and MP from Baghlan. The Spokesman of this group is Mohammad Alim Sayee, MP from Takhar province. Twenty-one MPs are members of this group.

c) Taraqi Khwa – Pro-Progress Group

Taraqi Khwa (Pro-Progress Group) is the third established parliamentary group. Mohammad Nayeem Farahyee, an independent MP from Farah province, leads it. The Spokeswoman of the Group is Najla Dehqan Nejad, MP from Herat province. Mohammad Nayeem Farhayee has joined the recently established United National Front.

d) Khat-e-Seowom – Third Line Group

The fourthgGroup established in the Lower House is the Khat-e-Seowom (Third-Line Group). It comprises 21 MPs and is headed by Shukria Barakzai, MP from Kabul. Other known members are Abdulkabir Ranjbar, MP from Kabul, Noor Akbari, MP from Daikundi, Daoud Sultanzoy, MP from Ghazni, and Hashim Wantanwal, MP from Uruzgan.

e) Afghanistan

The fifth group established in the Lower House is simply called “Afghanistan”. Mirwais Yasseni, former Deputy Minister for Counter Narcotics and MP from Nangarhar province, heads it. Mohammad Hussain Fahimi, MP from Saripol province, is the Deputy of the group and Homira Akakhil, the Spokeswoman. When introduced in early April 2007, the group was composed of 41 MPs, thereby making it the largest single group in the Lower House.

These developments are indicative of the elected MPs’ dissatisfaction with the electoral system in place in the 2005 elections, which resulted in a fragmented Wolesi Jirga with dominant individual leaders and little cohesion between groupings."

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23.04.2007 - Source: UK Border Agency (Home Office)

Political parties applying for registration varied in scope of organisation, membership characteristics and links to officials ("Country of Origin Information Report; Afghanistan") [ID 20266]

"In September 2004 a Human Rights Watch (HRW) briefing paper noted that the political parties applying for registration in order to contest the parliamentary elections varied in scope of organisation, membership characteristics, and links to different or governmental officials: “Some are comprised of former government officials from pre-1992 governments, including the Soviet-supported governments of Najibullah and Babrak Karmal, the government of Daoud Khan (1973-1978) and even the government of the former King of Afghanistan, Zahir Shah. Some are reincarnations of political parties from the 1960s-1980s which never held any significant political power, including various socialist and communist groups, secularist groups, and various Islamist groups. Some parties are entirely new and are headed by youth leaders."

Document(s): Open document

10.2005 - Source: UK Border Agency (Home Office)

Country report of October 2005 ("Country Report - October 2005") [#39232],  [ID 655]

see the report's Annex B: Political organisations and other groups

Document(s): Open document

21.09.2004 - Source: Integrated Regional Information Network

More than 2,000 soldiers disarmed in just 2 weeks; according to Ministry of Defence political parties have been told to cooperate with disarmament programme or they will not be registered ("Disarmament accelerated as elections approach") [#25690],  [ID 656]

Document(s): Open document

30.03.2004 - Source: International Crisis Group

Political parties registered for upcoming elections by 25 March 2004 ("Elections and security in Afghanistan") [#20875],  [ID 657]

"[...] The following political parties have been registered as of 25 March 2004:
– Republican Party of Afghanistan, led by Sebghatullah Sanjar, a 36-year-old former member of the Emergency Loya Jirga Commission with a degree in political science from Kabul University.
– National Unity Movement, led by Sultan Mahmud Ghazi, a cousin of the former Afghan King Muhammad Zahir. The formerly royalist party has been supporting President Karzai since the Constitutional Loya Jirga.
– Party of National Solidarity of Youth of Afghanistan, led by Muhammad Jamil Karzai.
– Party of Islamic Independence of Afghanistan, led by Faruq Najrabi.
– Party of National Unity of Afghanistan, led by Abdurrashid Jalili, a former member of the Khalq faction of the communist People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan.
ICG interviews, Kabul, 25-26 March 2004"

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30.03.2004 - Source: International Crisis Group

Republican Party of Afghanistan lead by liberal Sebghatullah Sanjar first to register ("Elections and security in Afghanistan") [#20875],  [ID 658]

"[...] The Kabul-based Republican Party of Afghanistan, led by a liberal former Emergency Loya Jirga commissioner, Sebghatullah Sanjar, was the first to be registered. Though the process took two months, Sanjar holds a benign view: "They [the justice ministry] carefully assessed our applications and copies of the national ID cards of our members to make sure one person was not a member of more than one party at the same time. These types of inquiries are good and right indeed. We believe in both lawfulness and political pluralism". [...]"

Document(s): Open document

30.03.2004 - Source: International Crisis Group

United National Party encounters obstacles during registration process ("Elections and security in Afghanistan") [#20875],  [ID 659]

"[...] The obstacles encountered by the United National Party (UNP), formed by former members of the Parcham faction of the communist People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), point to serious weaknesses in the registration process, however. According to a party member, the UNP was the first to submit a complete application but has
yet to be registered. "Apparently, the minister [Abdul Rahim Karimi] is under pressure by fundamentalist mujahidin such as Shinwari, Sayyaf, Rabbani and Asif Muhsini, not to register our party", the party member said. "During a meeting with us the minister acknowledged that he is under pressure". These allegations, which have also been related to ICG by international observers, are significant not only because the former Parchamis have a large national constituency, particularly among the professional classes in urban areas, but also because the stigma of being former communists can and has been used against other socially liberal political actors. [...]"

Document(s): Open document

30.03.2004 - Source: International Crisis Group

Some mujahidin parties nominate new leaders to circumvent prohibition for parties to maintain armed forces ("Elections and security in Afghanistan") [#20875],  [ID 660]

"[...] Though very few mujahidin parties have yet applied for registration, some are in the process of and genuinely independent candidates, however, is establishing front parties and nominating new leaders in an attempt to circumvent a prohibition in the law of parties that maintain armed forces. [...]"

Document(s): Open document

30.03.2004 - Source: International Crisis Group

Lack of security assurances is main obstacle faced by non-militarised parties ("Elections and security in Afghanistan") [#20875],  [ID 661]

"[...] The main obstacle faced by non-militarised parties and genuinely independent candidates, however, is the lack of adequate security assurances. "Young parties like ours won't be able to take part in the election if ISAF is not expanded to ensure our security outside Kabul", Sanjar said. "Obviously, we can't compete with provincial governors who have guns and all [other] resources under their control". Current plans call for the creation of a security ring around voter registration sites, with successive zones of authority patrolled in turn by trained police, the Afghan National Army, and either a Coalition or ISAF quick-reaction force, with medevac, intelligence, and logistics capabilities. All three elements of this security arrangement are tenuous propositions, however. Training for police officers in the German-administered Police Academy in Kabul and constables in the seven U.S.-supported regional training centres established since November 2003 will not keep pace with the numbers required for election security. The interior ministry is accordingly attempting to expedite the deployment of 30,000 police for the elections through a "train the trainers" program,a task that should be measured against the three-year timetable intended for training 50,000 constables and 12,000 border guards in the regional training centres.The ANA, as mentioned earlier, has problems of attrition and is stretched by its current deployments as presidential guard, in counterinsurgency operations in the south east, and since mid-March, in Herat, following armed clashes between forces loyal to provincial governor Ismail Khan and the Kabul-backed 17th Division. [...]"

Document(s): Open document

30.03.2004 - Source: International Crisis Group

27 parties established since collapse of the Taliban ("Elections and security in Afghanistan") [#20875],  [ID 662]

"[...] Afghanistan's new constitution recognises the right to form political parties, but with certain qualifications. A welcome restriction, reflected as well in the law on political parties, prohibits the participation of parties that have "military or paramilitary aims and structures". Other provisions, however, act as barriers to free association by barring the formation of parties whose charters are "contrary to the principles of [the] sacred religion of Islam" or that are based on ethnicity, language, religious sect or region. Some authorities have defined fundamental principles of Islam to include any principle agreed upon by the major schools of jurisprudence (fiqh); a party whose charter calls for full equality before the law of women and men could by this reasoning be defined as contrary to Islamic principles. Prohibiting the registration of ethnic parties could limit the ability of ethnic groups to seek redress for perceived injustice or discrimination through the electoral process or to articulate and advance the demands and interests of their communities.
To date, 27 political parties, including both mujahidin factions and non-militarised parties established after the collapse of the Taliban, have applied for registration at the justice ministry's Office for Coordination and Registration of Political Parties and Social Organisations. Five have been registered, while eight have completed the registration process and are awaiting screening for compliance with the constitution and the political parties law by the ministries of interior, defence, and finance, the National Security Directorate (NSD), and the Japanese Embassy, acting on behalf of the DR program. Many observers believe the registration process has been slow and may minimise the potential for nonmilitarised political parties to participate actively in
the upcoming elections.
A ministry of justice official told ICG that most of the new political parties have been unable to meet the criteria specified in the law and that some have failed to furnish a list of 700 members, the minimum required to form a political party. Independent observers identified other bottlenecks, including administrative difficulties in getting the ministerial and NSD members of a review committee to convene. According to the official, a permanent committee is now being constituted with secondments from each of the concerned ministries and the NSD, in the hope of expediting the review process. USAID is helping to identify space for the registration office, which is currently very limited. [...]"

Document(s): Open document

07.03.2003 - Source: Danish Immigration Service

DIS: New political parties are emerging; three political groupings in particular might influence the future political developments ("The Political, Security and Human Rights Situation in Afghanistan: Report on fact-finding mission to Kabul and Mazar-i-Sharif, Afghanistan and Islamabad, Pakistan; 22 September - 5 October 2002") [#11326],  [ID 663]

"Looking at the political development which started during the Loya Jirga in June 2002, it seems that three political groupings in particular might influence the future political development, according to the Norwegian ambassador. The ambassador estimated that the traditional Islam-based parties were currently the strongest. Within this group, the party formed by Wali Massoud, a brother of Ahmad Shah Massoud, was mentioned as a possible actor. According to some sources, the former president Rabbani no longer plays any political part, whereas others believe that he might have a "come back", and he belongs to the traditional Islamic-based parties. There is also another group around the former king Zahir Shah, consisting predominantly of Pashtuns. Presently, there is no leader of this group, as the health situation of the king means that he is unable to take up the role of a leader, but some people in this circle have shown interest in building a network, and this group is considered to be interesting in terms of a possible political party. Now that the situation has calmed down, the king has moved into the presidential palace. The situation immediately after his return did not allow him to reoccupy the palace.
Karzai himself is seen as being too pro-western to lead the group, but according to the Norwegian chargé d'affaires, he needs to create a political foundation for himself with a view to the elections. According to the Norwegian ambassador, there is also an urban democratic group, consisting mainly of resource-rich and educated people. This group is not large, and at the present time it is not a proper political party. The formation of political parties in the future is expected to be a follow-on from the networks created in connection with the Loya Jirga process. It is partly a matter of fundamentalist groups, some more liberal-minded than others, consisting in the main of the Diaspora who, according to the source, has only limited understanding of the current situation of the country. At the moment, Karzai is considered to be the only viable candidate as a political leader.
If the election in 2004 runs according to rules, the Pansjiris will definitely have reduced influence, but the role of the Defence Minister Fahim is not clear. The special representative for the EU believed that it is too early to talk about new political parties in general in the current political process, apart from a party formed by Wali Massoud and the Minister of Education Younis Qanooni. In this context the source also mentioned that it is of vital importance for any new political parties in the current political process, not to be based on ethnicity or religion alone, and it is equally important that such parties do not have their own armed forces or militia. The source advised that there is no legislation in Afghanistan at present, setting out guidelines for political parties and the formation of such parties.
The coordinator of UNAMA's Civil Affairs Branch mentioned that democratic-liberal movements have emerged in intellectual circles in today's Afghanistan. These movements are allowed to exist without problems, provided they are not too "loud", but in the current political environment, such movements are probably choosing to operate in secret. The advisor further said that Wali Massoud is heading an attempt to establish a new multi-ethnic party - Nehzat-i-Melli - with a policy based on democratic values and the rights of women.
A western diplomatic source also said that secular political groups are emerging. There is room for such groups today, especially in Kabul, where the presence of a large number of foreigners makes it difficult to suppress these groups. Spokesmen for these groups are speaking freely, and they have told of harassment. The harassment took the form of threats of arrests rather than serious violations.
An international source mentioned that General Malik had advised that he was in the process of forming a new political party - the Peace and Justice Party. The establishment of such a party should be seen as a part of the current process, which is planned to conclude with the elections in 2004. However, the source believed that Malik's initiative could be considered to be a re-grouping within his own ranks rather than the establishment of a new party. In this context, the source mentioned that Malik is also supported by local commandants, particularly in the Faryab province. Dostum is concerned that Malik's initiative and the support given to him might create instability in the region.
The head of ACBAR mentioned that there is no legislation relating to the freedom of association. Consequently, it is difficult for political parties to organize. There is a need for a democratic platform, and the source believed that it would take a couple of generations before such a system would be in place in Afghanistan."

Document(s): Open document

01.2003 - Source: Overseas Development Institute

New parties are emerging ("Afghanistan’s political and constitutional development (Authors: Chris Johnson, William Maley, Alexander Thier and Ali Wardak)") [#11961],  [ID 664]

"Even without a legal structure in place, party development is under way and there is already fierce competition. Many of the various factions controlling the country were formed as parties (hezb or tanzeemat) during the war with the Soviets, and have developed party structures. Younus Qanooni, the powerful former interior minister, has announced that he is forming a political party, the Nizat-i-Milli. Joined by Wali Massoud, the brother of assassinated leader Ahmad Shah Massoud (and possibly Minister of Defence Fahim), the party is establishing cultural and educational centres, printing propaganda and recruiting. These leaders have inherited part of the party apparatus of Jamiat-i-Islami, once headed by for mer President Burhanuddin Rabbani, which had one of the most extensive structures among mujahideen groups. Karim Khalili, the Hazara leader who heads the Hezb-i-Wahdat party, is also working aggressively to create a strong party structure. Wahdat has also started schools and cultural centres. Khalili is trying to transform Wahdat into a nationalist movement while moving away from mullahs and Iranian influence in this mostly Shi'ite party. As an ethnic and religious minority in Afghanistan, the Hazaras have long argued for increased regional autonomy as a safeguard for their rights. However, Khalili has recently tempered this by promoting a more egalitarian Afghan nationalism."

Document(s): Open document

01.2003 - Source: Overseas Development Institute

A religious coalition of conservative jihadi leaders such as Burhanuddin Rabbani and Abdul Rasul Sayyaf seems imminent ("Afghanistan’s political and constitutional development (Authors: Chris Johnson, William Maley, Alexander Thier and Ali Wardak)") [#11961],  [ID 665]

"Although there is no formal party, a religious coalition of conservative jihadi leaders such as Burhanuddin Rabbani and Abdul Rasul Sayyaf seems imminent. A group of this kind, especially if successful in reaching out to different ethnic groups, would be a powerful force. Potential leaders have already shown their strength at the ELJ, and the readiness of those like Sayyaf to label political opponents as 'communists' and 'infidels' is likely to allow them to capture deeply conservative supporters. Repression of organised groups is also already present. In Herat, for example, one group has struggled simply to start a Council of Professionals, which they have emphatically stated is not a political party; attempts to start an independent political party in Herat are likely to be challenged even if a law is put in place."

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24.09.2002 - Source: UN High Commissioner for Refugees

Schura-i-Maschriki (Ostrat) ("Aktualisierte Darstellung der Situation in Afghanistan und Überlegungen zum Internationalen Schutz für Afghanen (Stand 10. Juli 2002)") [#8770],  [ID 666]

"Neuformierung früherer Taliban-Mitglieder der Schura von Dschalalabad unter der Führung des früheren Gouverneurs Hadschi Abdul Kadir. Operiert Berichten zufolge in den Provinzen Laghman und Kunar mit wechselnden Allianzen örtlicher Befehlshaber. Hadschi Abdul Kadir war Gouverneur der Provinz Nangarhar während der Interimsregierung und wurde in der ITAA zum Vizepräsidenten und Minister für öffentliche Dienstleistungen ernannt. Er wurde am 6. Juli 2002 in Kabul ermordet."

Document(s): Open document
hcr-afg-poslong0702de.pdf